Narendra Modi’s reappearance in China after a seven-year absence wasn’t penciled in for symbolism alone. The SCO summit in Tianjin gave him a stage at a moment when India’s exporters are taking real hits from U.S. tariffs, and domestic pressure to ease the strain is building. For Modi, shaking hands with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin wasn’t about pageantry—it was about demonstrating that India still has levers beyond Washington.

The weight of timing is impossible to miss. India’s carpets and textiles, industries that employ millions in small towns, are suddenly less competitive in the U.S. market. Traders in Bhadohi and Panipat speak of cancelled orders and warehouses filling with unsold stock. Modi knows these stories filter quickly into the political bloodstream. Returning from China with nothing to show would risk looking weak.

Symbolic Encounters at the SCO

The session with Xi Jinping was less about warm smiles than about testing how far the relationship can bend without snapping. Border stability topped the list. Since the 2020 Ladakh clashes, there’s been a residue of mistrust that both sides can’t quite shake. Modi stressed dialogue as the only firewall against another crisis, while Xi spoke of “partnership”—a word that lands differently in Delhi, where the memory of encroachments is still raw.

Modi / IG / By engaging China at this moment, Modi is testing new diplomatic ground while reinforcing India’s preference for strategic autonomy rather than choosing rigid alliances.

Economic ties surfaced almost inevitably. With U.S. tariffs tightening, Beijing positioned itself as an outlet for Indian exports. Direct flights, suspended for years, are coming back—small, yes, but symbolically important. Yet Indian officials remain wary of the imbalance in trade, which heavily favors China. A surge in Chinese imports without corresponding Indian access would only deepen that anxiety.

Modi also raised the issue of terrorism, a predictable but pointed move given China’s backing of Pakistan in international forums. Xi agreed in principle on regional stability, though anyone familiar with the triangular politics here knows this refrain has limited shelf life.

Old Ties Reaffirmed

On the sidelines, Modi’s conversation with Putin carried the ease of long familiarity. The Russians call it a “special and privileged” partnership, and the phrasing isn’t just ceremonial. Energy binds the two tightly: India’s discounted Russian oil purchases have kept inflation in check at home, even as they rankle Washington. Modi’s welcome for Putin’s December visit to Delhi was a signal—India is not abandoning this relationship for anyone’s comfort.

It’s easy to forget how much of India’s military hardware is still Russian in origin. Spare parts, maintenance contracts, and joint projects in nuclear energy and defense mean Delhi can’t simply pivot away, sanctions or not. For Moscow, meanwhile, the Indian embrace offers more than revenue—it provides relevance in Asia at a time when the Kremlin is boxed in by the West.

The U.S. Factor

The real shadow hanging over these encounters was cast from Washington. Tariffs of up to 50 percent on Indian exports weren’t dressed up as mere trade policy—they were a warning shot tied to India’s refusal to abandon Russian oil. The fallout has been severe: small exporters fear bankruptcy, regional economies reliant on U.S. markets face contraction, and the rupee has taken a beating.

SCO / IG / For India, maintaining strong ties with Russia ensures both energy security and a reminder of Cold War–era friendship. For Russia, it reinforces Moscow’s relevance in Asia at a time when it is increasingly isolated from the West.

Inside India, industry bodies are lobbying frantically for relief packages. The government is considering incentives and alternative market pushes, but none of that cushions the immediate pain. Modi’s urgency in Tianjin becomes clearer against this backdrop—when one partner closes a door, you scramble to make sure others stay open.

Strategic Implications

India’s current playbook isn’t about choosing one camp over another—it’s about staying agile. Modi’s meetings with Xi and Putin underline a philosophy of hedging: talk just enough to maintain stability, deepen ties where interests align, and avoid permanent commitments.

This is a delicate balance. Too much warmth toward Beijing unsettles Delhi’s security establishment; too much reliance on Moscow risks sanctions spillover; too much dependence on Washington exposes India to economic whiplash, as the tariffs have shown. Strategic autonomy, often described in dry diplomatic language, is in practice a messy juggling act.

By showing up in China, Modi signaled that India isn’t cornered. It may be bruised, but it still has options—and in a world quick to sort nations into camps, that flexibility might be the only sustainable strength Delhi can claim.